Publications des chercheurs de PSE

This paper argues that the socialist episode in East Germany, which constituted a radical experiment in gender equality in the labor market and other instances, has left persistent tracks on gender norms. We focus on one of the most resilient and pervasive gender gaps in modern societies: mathematics. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that the underperformance of girls in math is sharply reduced in the regions of the former GDR, in contrast with those of the former FRG. We show that this East-West difference is due to girls' attitudes, confidence and competitiveness in math, and not to other confounding factors, such as the difference in economic conditions or teaching styles across the former political border. We also provide illustrative evidence that the gender gap in math is smaller in European countries that used to be part of the Soviet bloc, as opposed to the rest of Europe. The lesson is twofold: (1) a large part of the pervasive gender gap in math is due to social stereotypes; (2) institutions can durably modify these stereotypes.

Ce texte fait le point sur l'évolution du secteur hospitalier en Allemagne depuis 1990, selon trois cibles d'analyse. D'abord, sont examinés les raisons des réformes. Pour le faire, l'hôpital est placé dans l'offre des soins et dans la structuration des espaces industriels régionaux, appelés "professionnels" ou "l économie basée sur la connaissance". Puis, l'applicabilité de la théorie économique de santé à la politique médicale est analysée pour évoquer la succession des réformes sur le territoire de l'ex-RDA, les réformes de la convergence, celles qui remédient à des détériorations démographiques et celles qui sont provoquées par l'évolution de la situation économique générale dans la RFA.

Despite strong growth performance in transition economies in the last decade, residents of transition countries report abnormally low levels of life satisfaction. Using data from the World Values Survey and other sources, we study various explanations of this phenomenon. First, we document that the disparity in life satisfaction between residents of transition and nontransition countries is much larger among the elderly. Second, we find that deterioration in public goods provision, an increase in macroeconomic volatility, and a mismatch of human capital of residents educated before transition (which disproportionately affects the aged population) explain a great deal of the difference in life satisfaction between transition countries and other countries with similar income and other macroeconomic conditions. The rest of the gap is explained by the difference in the quality of the samples. As in other countries, life satisfaction in transition countries is strongly related to income; but, due to a higher nonresponse of high-income individuals in transition countries, the survey-data estimates of the recent increase in life satisfaction, driven by 10-year sustained economic growth in transition region, are biased downwards. The evidence suggests that if the region keeps growing, life satisfaction in transition countries will catch up with the "normal" level in the near future.

The paper proposes an original strategy for analyzing household sharing of income and satisfaction. Using two different subjective questions from the Russian data RLMS (Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey), we assume a correspondence between, first, the perception of income that household members report and their true income sharing, and, second, between their answer to a satisfaction question and their utility. We show that answers given by different members of the household bring pertinent information on income sharing and utility in the household. In particular, we find a significant effect of the female-male wage ratio in reported income perception and satisfaction differentials between household members. Given that the available data covers the transition period (1994-2003) characterized by massive economic and social changes in Russia, we investigate the dynamics of household behavior.

Nous analysons les effets à long terme de la présence importante des Juifs en Europe de l'Est avant la seconde guerre mondiale et de leur extermination pendant l'Holocauste. Nous utilisons la «Zone de résidence», le territoire dans lequel les Juifs ont été confinés sous l'empire russe, en tant que source de variation exogène de la taille de la population juive avant la deuxième guerre mondiale. En utilisant des résultats des élections et des enquêtes, nous établissons que les résidents présents dans la «Zone de résidence» (comparés aux habitants à l'extérieur de la «Zone de résidence») votent plus pour les partis socialistes s'opposant au marché, sont moins favorables au marché et à la démocratie, sont moins entrepreneurs, mais expriment plus de confiance dans autrui. En même temps, la «Zone de résidence» n'a pas d'effets durables sur les niveaux moyens de consommation, de revenu ou d'éducation. Les régressions de discontinuité à la frontière de la «Zone de résidence» contribuent à l'identification du phénomène. Nous montrons que l'impact de la «Zone de résidence» est lié à la présence passée des Juifs plutôt qu'à l'arrivée de nouvelles populations sur les territoires habités précédemment par les Juifs. Nous proposons un mécanisme pouvant expliquer cet effet et présentons une évidence empirique à son appui : la population non-juive, lorsque les deux groupes ont vécu côte-à-côte, a développé une culture anti-marché et une confiance ‘fusionnelle' (bonding) fondée sur la haine ethnique. Nous montrons, ce qui est compatible avec ce mécanisme, que les résidents contemporains des villes proches des endroits où les pogroms ont eu lieu, sont moins favorables au marché et expriment plus de confiance envers autrui, même lorsque nous contrôlons pour la part historique de la population juive et la « Zone de résidence ».

Studies of mass support for economic reform reveal a simple conclusion: Everyone hates privatization. Yet whether respondents hold this view due to a preference for state property or concerns about the legitimacy of privatization is unclear. We test these arguments using a 2006 survey of 28,000 individuals in 28 post-communist countries and find that a lack of human capital affects support for revising privatization primarily via a preference for state property over private property; whereas transition-related hardships influence support for revising privatization due to both a preference for state property and concerns about the legitimacy of privatization. These results suggest the value of analyses that not only link respondent traits with support for policy, but that also probe the motivations that underpin this support. They also indicate that opposition to privatization should not be equated with support for renationalization.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the effects of geography on the transition process in authoritarian political regimes, and to investigate the nature of the links between political change, economic reforms and geographical location. A simple model of transition and democratization is presented wherein we show that the effectiveness of repression by the incumbent elite is a negative function of the distance to the 'free world'. In consequence, geography has conflicting effects on shifts in political power. This article provides a rationale for the counterintuitive fact that the first authoritarian country to start a transition process towards democratization is not necessarily the one nearest to the free world.

The objective of this paper is to better understand the evolution and institutional roots of Hong Kong's growing economic inequality and political cleavages. By combining multiple sources of data (household surveys, fiscal data, wealth rankings, national accounts) and methodological innovations, two main findings are obtained. First, he evidence suggests a very large rise in income and wealth inequality in Hong Kong over the last four decades. Second, based on the latest opinion poll data, business elites, who carry disproportionate weight in Hong Kong's Legislative Council, are found to be more likely to vote for the pro-establishment camp (presumably to ensure that policies are passed that protect their political and economic interests). This paper argues that the unique alliance of government and business elites in a partially democratic political system is the plausible institutional root of Hong Kong's rising inequality and political cleavages.